PUBLIC SERVICES DUE BY THE PRIVILEGED CLASSES.
I. England compared to France.
An English example. - The Privileged class renders no service in France. - The influence and rights which remain to them. - They use it only for themselves.
USELESS in the canton， they might have been useful at the Center of the State， and， without taking part in the local government， they might have served in the general government. Thus does a lord， a baronet， a squire act in England， even when not a "justice" of his county or a committee-man in his parish. Elected a member of the Lower House， a hereditary member of the upper house， he holds the strings of the public purse and prevents the sovereign from spending too freely.
Such is the régime in countries where the feudal seigniors， instead of allowing the sovereign to ally himself with the people against them， allied themselves with the people against the sovereign. To protect their own interests better they secured protection for the interests of others， and， after having served as the representatives of their compeers they became the representatives of the nation. Nothing of this kind takes place in France. The States-General are fallen into desuetude， and the king may with truth declare himself the sole representative of the country. Like trees rendered lifeless under the shadow of a gigantic oak， other public powers perish through his growth； whatever still remains of these encumbers the ground， and forms around him a circle of clambering briers or of decaying trunks.
One of them， the Parliament， an offshoot simply of the great oak， sometimes imagined itself in possession of a root of its own； but its sap was too evidently derivative for it to stand by itself and provide the people with an independent shelter. Other bodies， surviving， although stunted， the assembly of the clergy and the provincial assemblies， still protect an order， and four or five provinces； but this protection extends only to the order itself or to the province， and， if it protects a special interest it is commonly at the expense of the general interest.
II. The ClergyAssemblies of the clergy. - They serve only ecclesiastical interests. - The clergy exempted from taxation. - Solicitation of its agents. - Its zeal against the Protestants.
Let us observe the most vigorous and the best-rooted of these bodies， the assembly of the clergy. It meets every five years， and， during the interval， two agents， selected by it， watch over the interests of the order. Convoked by the government， subject to its guidance， retained or dismissed when necessary， always in its hands， used by it for political ends， it nevertheless continues to be a refuge for the clergy， which it represents. But it is an asylum solely for that body， and， in the series of transactions by which it defends itself against fiscal demands， it eases its own shoulders of the load only to make it heavier on the shoulders of others. We have seen how its diplomacy saved clerical immunities， how it bought off the body from the poll-tax and the vingtièmes， how it converted its portion of taxation into a "free gift，" how this gift is annually applied to refunding the capital which it has borrowed to obtain this exemption， by which delicate art it succeeds， not only in not contributing to the treasury， but in withdrawing from it every year about 1，500，000livres， all of which is so much the better for the church but so much the worse for the people. Now run through the file of folios in which from one period of five years to another the reports of its agents follow each other， - so many clever men thus preparing themselves for the highest positions in the church， the abbés de Boisgelin， de Périgord， de Barral， de Montesquiou； at each moment， owing to their solicitations with judges and the council， owing to the authority which the discontent of the powerful order felt to be behind them gives to their complaints， some ecclesiastic matter is decided in an ecclesiastical sense； so feudal right is maintained in favor of a chapter or of a bishop； some public demand is thrown out.[1] In 1781， notwithstanding decision of the Parliament of Rennes， the canons of St. Malo are sustained in their monopoly of the district baking oven.
This is to the detriment of the bakers who prefer to bake at their own domiciles as well as of the inhabitants who would have to pay less for bread made by the bakers. In 1773， Guénin， a schoolmaster， discharged by the bishop of Langres， and supported in vain by inhabitants， is compelled to hand his place over to a successor appointed by the bishop. In 1770， Rastel， a Protestant， having opened a public school at Saint-Affrique， is prosecuted at the demand of the bishop and of clerical agents； his school is closed and he is imprisoned. When an organized body keeps purse strings in its own hands it secures many favors； these are the equivalent for the money it grants. The commanding tone of the king and the submissive air of the clergy effect no fun mental change； with both of them it is a bargain，[2]
giving and taking on both sides， this or that law against the Protestants going for one or two millions added to the free gift. In this way the revocation of the Edict of Nantes is gradually brought about， article by article， one turn of the rack after another turn， each fresh persecution purchased by a fresh largess， the clergy helping the State on condition that the State becomes an executioner.