nor relax their hold for a moment on the central motor. The former， an active politician， with Collot for his second， is charged with urging on the constituted authorities， the districts， the municipalities， the national agents， the revolutionary committees， and the representatives on mission in the interior.[47] The latter， a theologian， moralist， titular doctor and preacher， is charged with ruling the Convention and indoctrinating the Jacobins with sound principles； behind him stands Couthon， his lieutenant， with Saint-Just， his disciple and executor of works of great importance； in their midst， Barère， the Committee's mouthpiece， is merely a tool， but indispensable， conveniently at hand and always ready to start whatever drum-beating is required on any given theme in honor of the party which stuffs his brain. Below these comes the Committee of General Security， Vadier， Amar， Vouland， Guffroy， Panis， David， Jagot and the rest， those who undertook， reported on， and acted in behalf of universal proscription. All these bear the imprint of their service；they could be recognized by "their pallid hue， hollow and bloodshot eyes，"[48] habits of omnipotence stamped "on their brows， and on their deportment， something indescribably haughty and disdainful. The Committee of General Security reminded one of the former lieutenants of police， and the Committee of Public Safety， of the former ministers of state." In the Convention， "it is considered an honor to talk with them， and a privilege to shake hands with them； one seems to read one's duty on their brows." On the days on which their orders are to be converted into laws "the members of the Committee and the reporter of the bill， keep people waiting， the same as the heads and representatives of the former sovereign power； on their way to the Assembly hall， they are preceded by a group of courtiers who seem to announce the masters of the world."[49] - In fact， they reign - but observe on what conditions.
"Make no complaints，" said Barère，[50] to the composer of an opera， the performance of which had just been suspended： "as times go， you must not attract public attention. Do we not all stand at the foot of the guillotine， all， beginning with myself？" Again， twenty years later， in a private conversation， on being interrogated as to the veritable object， the secret motive of the Committee of Public Safety， he replied：
"As we were animated by but one sentiment，[51] my dear sir， that of self-preservation， we had but one desire， that of maintaining an existence which each of us believed to be menaced. You had your neighbor guillotined to prevent your neighbor from guillotining you."[52]
The same apprehension exists in stouter souls， although there may have been， along with fear， motives of a less debased order.
"How many times，" says Carnot，[53] "we undertook some work that required time， with the conviction that we should not be allowed to complete it！" - " It was uncertain[54] whether， the next time the clock struck the hour， we should not be standing before the revolutionary Tribunal on our way to the scaffold without， perhaps， having had time to bid adieu to our families. . . . We pursued our daily task so as not to let the machine stand still， as if a long life were before us， when it was probable that we should not see the next day's sun."It is impossible to count on one's life， or that of another， for twenty-four hours； should the iron hand which holds one by the throat tighten its grasp， all will be over that evening.
"There were certain days so difficult that one could see no way to control circumstances； those who were directly menaced resigned themselves wholly to chance."[55] - " The decisions for which we are so much blamed，" says another，[56] "were not generally thought of two days， or one day， beforehand； they sprung out of the crisis of the moment. We did not desire to kill for the sake of killing . . .
but to conquer at all hazards， remain masters， and ensure the sway of our principles." - That is true， - they are subjects as well as despots. At the Committee table， during their nocturnal sessions， their sovereign presides， a formidable figure， the revolutionary Idea which confers on them the right to slay， on condition of exercising it against everybody， and therefore on themselves. Towards two o'clock， or three o'clock in the morning， exhausted， out of words and ideas， not knowing where to slay， on the right or on the left， they anxiously turn to this figure and try to read its will in its fixed eyes.
"Who shall fall to-morrow？ " -