He does not know how to entertain as the head of his household， how to welcome guests and be gracious or even polite to his pretended courtiers； he himself declares that[41] "they go two years without speaking to him， and six months without seeing him； he does not like them， their conversation displeases him." When he addresses them it is to browbeat them； his familiarities with their wives are those of the gendarme or the pedagogue， while the little attentions he inflicts upon them are indecorous criticisms or compliments in bad taste. They know that they are spied upon in their own homes and responsible for whatever is said there； "the upper police is constantly hovering over all drawing-rooms."[42] For every word uttered in privacy， for any lack of compliance， every individual， man or woman， runs the risk of exile or of being relegated to the interior at a distance of forty leagues.[43] And the same with the resident gentry in the provinces；they are obliged to pay court to the prefect， to be on good terms with him， or at least attend his receptions； it is important that their cards should be seen on his mantel piece.[44] Otherwise， let them take heed， for it is he who reports on their conduct to the minister Fouchéor to Savary who replaced him. In vain do they live circumspectly and confine themselves to a private life； a refusal to accept an office is unpardonable； there is a grudge against them if they do not employ their local influence in behalf of the reign.[45] Accordingly， they are， under the empire as under the republic， in law as in fact， in the provinces as well as at Paris， privileged persons the wrong way， a suspicious class under a special surveillance" and subject to exceptional rigor.[46] In 1808，[47] Napoleon orders Fouché "to draw up . . . among the old and wealthy families who are not in the system . .
. a list of ten in each department， and of fifty for Paris，" of which the sons from sixteen to eighteen years of age shall be forced to enter Saint-Cyr and from thence go into the army as second lieutenants. In 1813， still "in the highest classes of society，" and arbitrarily selected by the prefects， he takes ten thousand other persons， exempt or redeemed from the conscription， even the married， even fathers of families， who， under the title of guards of honor， become soldiers， at first to be slaughtered in his service， and next， and in the mean time， to answer for the fidelity of their relatives.
It is the old law of hostages， a resumption of the worst proceedings of the Directory for his account and aggravated for his profit. -Decidedly， the imperial Régime， for the old royalists， resembles too much the Jacobin régime； they are about as repugnant to one as to the other， and their aversion naturally extends to the whole of the new society. - As they comprehend it， they are more or less robbed and oppressed for a quarter of a century. In order that their hostility may cease， the indemnity of 1825 is essential， fifty years of gradual adaptation， the slow elimination of two or three generations of fathers and the slow elimination of two or three generations of sons.
Nothing is so difficult as the reparation of great social wrongs. In this case the incomplete reparation did not prove sufficient； the treatment which began with gentleness ended with violence， and， as a whole， the operation only half succeeded.
IV. Education and Medical Care.
Confiscation of collective fortunes. - Ruin of the Hospitals and Schools.
Other wounds are not less deep， and their cure is not less urgent； for they cause suffering， not only to one class， but to the whole people -that vast majority which the government strives to satisfy. Along with the property of the émigrés， the Revolution has confiscated that of all local or special societies， ecclesiastic or laic， of churches and congregations， universities and academies， schools and colleges， asylums and hospitals， and even the property of the communes. All these fortunes have been swallowed up by the public treasury， which is a bottomless pit， and are gone forever. - Consequently， all services thus maintained， especially charitable institutions， public worship and education， die or languish for lack of sustenance； the State， which has no money for itself， has none for them. And what is worse， it hinders private parties from taking them in charge； being Jacobin， that is to say intolerant and partisan， it has proscribed worship， driven nuns out of the hospitals， closed Christian schools， and， with its vast power， it prevents others from carrying out at their own expense the social enterprises which it no longer cares for.
And yet the needs for which this work provides have never been so great nor so imperative. In ten years，[48] the number of foundlings increased from 23，000 to 62，000； it is， as the reports state， a deluge： there are 1097 instead of 400 in Aisne， 1500 in Lot-et-Garonne， 2035 in la Manche， 2043 in Bouches-du-Rh？ne， 2673 in Calvados. From 3000 to 4000 beggars are enumerated in each department and about 300，000 in all France.[49] As to the sick， the infirm， the mutilated， unable to earn their living， it suffices， for an idea of their multitude， to consider the régime to which the political doctors have just subjected France， the Régime of fasting and bloodletting.
Two millions of Frenchmen have marched under the national flag， and eight hundred thousand have died under it；[50] among the survivors， how many cripples， how many with one arm and with wooden legs！ All Frenchmen have eaten dog-bread for three years and often have not had enough of that to live on； over a million have died of starvation and poverty； all the wealthy and well-to-do Frenchmen have been ruined and have lived in constant fear of the guillotine； four hundred thousand have wasted away in prisons； of the survivors， how many shattered constitutions， how many bodies and brains disordered by an excess of suffering and anxiety， by physical and moral wear and tear！[51]