Can’t the United States play this role despite everything？ Indeed， it remains the leading power； it alone has all the necessary attributes： the military strength， the economic power， the capacity for technological innovation， the attractiveness of its way of life. Throughout the 20th century， it was also able to construct an economic and cultural model， and forged an ideal of modernity that inspired the admiration of the rest of the world. For us you represented the camp of freedom. You were the guarantors of human rights. And personally speaking， after having lived in the United States and come to love your country， I want to tell you that America remains a dream for many people throughout the world.
But now let‘s take a clear look at things： The war in Iraq marked a turning point. It shattered America’s image. It undermined the image of theWest as a whole. It is time for the United States and Europe to regain together the respect and admiration of other peoples.
The world disorder is aggravated by a sense of deep injustice.
Our world is experiencing unprecedented technical progress. It is creating more wealth， offering more opportunities than ever. This presents an opportunity for all those-countries， nations， businesses， individuals-who have the necessary assets to profit from these upheavals.
But for many others， this shift means growing inequalities， new risks and heightened fears.
These fears exist in Europe， and notably in France， where some are afraid of a challenge to our model of social justice.
In the area of social rights and legal norms， globalization did not bring various rules closer together： Competition is occurring on a global scale but it is asymmetrical. New commercial balances are leading to outsourcing and endangering the social entitlement programs of developed countries.
These risks strike first at those who are weakest， those who have no education and no skills， those who have no access to world culture. I want to say this to you， who are the elite of international education. You have a responsibility toward all those who did not have your good fortune. Harvard is something people dream about. Harvard must also make proposals， offer help， commit itself to remedying the world‘s disorders.
But these risks are also beginning to affect the middle classes， who feel increasingly fragile， with some growing impoverished. If globalization is to end with the disappearance of the middle classes or a confrontation between the poorest and a minority consisting of the very rich， then it is time to react. Diversity is key to society； balance is key to society. No people will tolerate growing inequalities in the long term.
What’s true on the national scale is true on the planetary scale.
Globalization is destabilizing some developing countries， undermining their economies. Consequently， it is heightening ethnic and religious tensions. It is threatening the planet‘s natural resources and its balance.
This is the world we live in： a world that is more complex and more unstable than ever. This global disorder is neither superficial nor temporary. It is perpetuating deep imbalances.
The imbalances between economic and demographic， first of all， that is sparking more and more massive migrations. This is a major challenge， not just for developed countries but also for the countries of the South themselves， which are faced with the risk of losing a significant part of their youth， sometimes the most skilled， or threatened with instability by the passage of more and more numerous migrants. That’s why it is so important to build partnerships with those countries， making it possible to better control migrations while actively promoting co-development. Nor should we neglect the importance of new strategic challenges such as the fight against pandemics， the protection of global assets， energy security and the access to natural resources， particularly water.
Global disorder is also engendering security imbalances. The aggravation of crises nurtures terrorism. The attacks of September 11 marked the advent of a new era of hyperterrorism. The resolution of regional crises is crucial to our security. We know they directly or indirectly fuel the terrorist threat， as is the case both in Iraq and with the Israeli-palestinian conflict.
Finally， global disorder is causing power imbalances that are challenging the nonproliferation regime.
Today， nuclear proliferation is threatening to reach a new threshold. The temptations are legion： they are strategic， with States seeking to turn their territories into sanctuaries； they are political， for acquiring the bomb is still perceived as an element of status on the international scene； and they areeconomic， with networks making large profits from trafficking.
Faced with this situation， international instruments are now insufficient. They remain essential pillars of peace and collective security in the world. But they are also colliding with the difficulty of control and the insufficiency of norms themselves. We must preserve and strengthen them. The survival of the international system of non-proliferation and security is based on its credibility： this presumes the ability to constantly adapt to the challenges we are faced with.
Faced with this global disorder， we have a choice： either we maintain the competition among our States， or we resolutely embark on the path of cooperation. Competition among our States is in no one‘s interest. The only possible road is that of cooperation.
2.In this path toward a new world order， the United States， France and Europe have more duties than others do.
Why？ Because we are democracies imbued with the ideal of universalism. Because we are wealthy countries. But also because we have common interests： fostering international society， sharing our commitment with more and more countries.
First， it is our duty to work together.